The edited copies provide insight as to Douglass’ thinking. For example, in the third paragraph, Douglass crossed the line “blood of the negro” out of the phrase “Where under the whole heavens does human blood utter such piercing cry from the ground as the blood of the negro in the states of the rebellion?” He inserted the word “late” before rebellion, which has the overall effect of toning down the passage toward racial reconciliation, allowing the “blood” to refer to humans generally. This lends more efficacy to the emotional passage on lynching that follows.
Douglass relates on two points to the president: on race relations and on foreign policy. Harrison advocated for two failed pieces of legislation that would have improved the living conditions of African Americans and ensured their access to voting rights. He also appointed Douglass as minister to Haiti. On the former point, Douglass stresses that the measures failed to due traitorous Republicans, and urges his listeners not to blame the President. Harrison will continue to do all he can for black citizens in the South. On the second point, Douglass credits Harrison with running the State Department entirely, as Secretary of State Blaine was ill for most of the 1890-1893 period.
The overall effect, in this reader’s opinion, is a somewhat measured enthusiasm. After more than thirty years of supporting Republican nominees, and incomplete success, Douglass was, after 1892, weary of broken promises. He passed away before the 1896 contest, which would mark the first time that a Republican platform omitted its foundational civil rights plank.
Read the complete speech below the cut:
A plea for the renomination of General Benjamin Harrison
by Frederick Douglass
To no class or condition of people in the United States is the nomination and election of a just, wise and able Republican President more important and imperatively indispensable than to the newly made citizens of this Republic. Coming into the body politic against the fierce resentment of the men who once enslaved them; being compelled by circumstances over which they have no control to remain in the presence of those inimical to them; living under the blighting shadow of a popular prejudice which is kept alive by a fancied necessity; encountering difficulties in the race of life met with by no other class of Americans; holding their freedom and citizenship against systematic and unrelenting persecution; passing through the inevitable hardships of a transition condition; they need at the head of the government the fostering care of a strong man, who is in perfect sympathy the that new order of American freedom and justice, the order which has clothed them with citizenship and the elective franchise. With them the choice of a President involves in some measure the question of liberty and slavery, happiness and misery, peace and war, life and death.
They are now the helpless victims of a system of lawless violence and bloodshed unsurpassed in horror by any crimes perpetrated in the darkest corners of the earth.
True, the election of a wise and strong man for the presidency may not entirely stay the hand of violence and put an end to its stupendous horrors, for such crimes will be committed until the spirit of slavery is wholly banished from the South, and for this time and _____ must do their part. But it makes a vast difference whether the rulers of the nation are in sympathy with the criminals or with the class against whom crimes are committed. There are powers other then that of swords and bayonets, and among these is the firmly settled judgment of the nation in favor of justice to the negro citizen, and one expressed in the national choice of a president. The persistent election of such rulers cannot but be followed in the end by peace and good order in the South. That section of the country is great, but the whole country itself is greater. Let it be once understood, North and South and everywhere else, that in its march from slavery and barbarism to the liberty and enlightenment, the nation at large will take no step backward, and that the negro who helped to save the country from dismemberment and ruin will have the sympathy and support of the government, and will be protected, even the barbarous South will be in this time become ashamed and dragged into line with this new order of American liberty.
It may be charged that I view the presidential question simply in its relations and bearings touching the colored citizen. In the name of justice and a merciful God, how can I view it otherwise? What is there paramount to this view? Where under the whole heavens does human blood utter such piercing cry from the ground as in the states of the late rebellion? Scenes are transpiring in that section which haunt me night and day and fill the souls of men with bitterest anguish. What to me are the questions of silver and gold, or tariffs and currency, while my people are torn from their little cabins, snatched from jails by furious mobs with no chance to establish their innocence of crimes imparted to them—shot down, stabbed, hanged and burnt to death without judge or jury. While these hell black atrocities shall continue no man with a drop of colored blood in his veins should allow himself to think of any other politics than those relating to his people. I am free to say that my choice of a candidate for the presidency is dictated by my desire to arrest these outrages just now so rampant and flagrant in the South. My choice may seem illogical, since it is none other than President Benjamin Harrison, with whose knowledge these outrages have been perpetrated with impunity. It is however easily shown that the fault has not been his. No man in public life hates fraud and abhors bloodshed more than does President Harrison, and had he been supported, as he should have been, by Congress, murder and rapine would not now be running riot in the Southern states. As much as any other man likely to receive the nomination, Mr. Harrison is in favor of law and force for the protection of the colored man from this lawless violence. There are other good men not less fit for the place than Benjamin Harrison, but none more likely, if any is likely, to be elected should any of them be nominated. I named Gen. Harrison for the Presidency more than six months ago, and have seen no reason, in the events that have since transpired, to change my views.
In commending him for the place, I lay no stress upon what might be considered as a graceful and proper tribute to a faithful public servant. Though he has richly deserved such a tribute at the hands of his party, I leave that ground to others. They may well enough demand for him such an expression of national confidence and approval as renomination and a reelection would imply. It would simply be fulfilling the injunction of “honor to honor”.
But, as a colored man, identified with the destiny [?] intensely of colored men and believing that their cause will be best served by the continuation of General Harrison in the presidential chair, I earnestly urge his renomination. I stand for him because I know him and have studied his character and have found him to be human, wise and strong. It is not enough that the man at the head of this nation be a good man. He must be strong, as well. It was the strength, as well as the wisdom, of Abraham Lincoln and General Grant, that made them successful Presidents. No man in the country could for a moment forget who was President in the case of either. The same is true of President Benjamin Harrison. He has never allowed the helm of the Ship of State to slip form his fingers. By those who knew him as a private citizen and as a member of the bar of his state, and especially as a member of the United States Senate, where he held an equal place with the ablest Senators of the nation, his election to the Presidency was easily viewed with confidence and expectation that his administration would be a success. That confidence has not been falsified and that expectation has not been disappointed. But to those who did not know him, the success of his administration has been a great and gratifying surprise.
During the three years of his Presidency, questions of vast moment have confronted him, requiring for their solution the highest wisdom, ability and statesmanship, and he has proved himself equal to every occasion. Though deprived for the most of his time of the assistance of the eminent head of the State Department who has been much disabled by ill health, no question of home or foreign policy has been allowed to suffer. The archives of the nation furnish no papers on foreign affairs, abler than those that bear the stamp and authorship of Benjamin Harrison. He had to deal with Italy, Chile and England, and his wise, firm and dignified course has wrung from reluctant opponents highest commendation. Neither the honor of our country nor the good relations that should subsist between these nations and ourselves, have been sacrificed. When the arrow struck the heart of the tyrant in Switzerland, though the archer was behind the rocks unseen, it was known from the accuracy of the aim that his name was William Tell. So as we read the voluminous and able discussion in these papers on international questions, we know that the hand and brain that produced them were none other than those of Benjamin Harrison’s.
I am not only for Mr. Harrison for what he has done, but I am for him for what he has left undone. He has never stooped in any wise to the devices of the demagogue. He has never flattered the old rebel class by his presence or his praise. He has had no compliments for the men who fought to destroy the Union. He has never courted political support by paltering in a double sense, or by openly sacrificing his principles. He has never thought to compassionate the murderers of the negro by whining about the so called difficult race problem with which they have to struggle. His trumpet has never given an uncertain sound. He has simply insisted upon justice, fairplay and obedience to constitutional obligations as the solution of the race question.
It is always important to know just what a man stands for in this world, and where to look for him in any important emergency which may arise. The latter can be easily and always known when the former is known. Just this is one strong reason for urging the nomination of General Benjamin Harrison. We know precisely what he stands for, and we also know that, having carefully selected his ground, we may expect to find him where we have in any emergency, heretofore found him. He has been weighed and measured, tried and tested, and has suffered loss at no point. Individuals of his party have flinched and failed us in trying hours, but General Harrison never. He was ever true to us on the Blair Educational Bill, so much needed. He was true to us on the stigmatized Force Bill, and he has been true to us in recognizing our right to be represented in the offices and emoluments of the Government. Of course in this latter course he has not escaped complaints, for it is impossible for a President of any party to satisfy all the demands of this kind that will be made upon him, but no man has gone further or done more in the recognition of the claims of colored men to office, than has General Harrison. He has upon the whole given larger, higher and better positions to colored men, than were ever given before.
I am not among those who profess to be indifferent to the possession of office by colored men. In a country like ours, no class or condition of men can afford to be entirely ignored and excluded from a share in the administration of the government. They need it for themselves and for the standing of their class. But, important as this is, in our case, incomparably more important that means be provided for the protection of liberty, and person, and for the promotion of general education. In favor of these fundamental interests, no man is stronger, more reliable or more earnest, than President Benjamin Harrison. In the Republican platform adopted at Chicago, it is affirmed “that the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, is to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that ballot duly counted.” … “It is further asserted, that the free and honest popular ballot and the just equal representation of all the people, is the foundation of our Republican Government and demands effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority.” Upon this platform, President Harrison was elected, and no man can say that he has ever deserted it. If Republicans in Congress have failed to stand by it and enact proper legislation to carry out this grand object, the fault has not been Benjamin Harrison’s. Unhappily for us, there have been found, in this case, just enough of half hearted men wearing the livery of Republicanism to serve the Democracy in and to defeat the honest purpose of the President. But for these, both the Blair Educational Bill and the Lodge Bill would now be on the national statute book.
I have been asked how I could reconcile my advocacy of the nomination and election of General Harrison with that I have had to say about the negotiations for a coaling station at the Mole St. Nicolas. At this point I have no difficulty whatever. The high opinion I have formed of General Harrison is, in a measure, due to his friendship for Haiti and the advice he gave me in connection with my mission to that country. I have found in him no trace of the vulgar prejudice so rampant against Haiti and against colored people everywhere. He sent me to that country to represent the best sentiments of loyal and liberty loving Americans and the noblest qualities of human nature. The spirit of his humane advice was worthy of his lofty character. He charged me to do all I could for the peace and welfare of Haiti, so far as that was consistent with my duty to the United States, and he especially urged me to persuade her to value and preserve her institutions, and thus to remove all ground for the reproaches now hurled at her and, through her example, at the colored people in the United States. He instructed me as would any man too generous to profit by the misfortunes of others; too proud to stoop to meanness; too honest to practice duplicity; too strong to menace the weak, and too great to be small in any respect. NO! There is nothing whatever in my relations with General Harrison to make it difficult or inconsistent for me to advocate with all my heart his renomination and election to the Presidency of the United States.
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